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The big idea behind Chicago Newsroom is that we assemble a small group of involved, knowledgeable people around the table and we yak about the week’s local news. Most often we tap journalists, but you’ll also find historians, political activists, academicians and newsmakers in the mix, too.

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CN Aug 14, 2014


Chicago Public Schools has announced that it’s making FY 2015 a smidge longer – like about 60 days. That’s so it can double-dip on tax revenue to fill this year’s budget hole. But, you ask, won’t that make FY 16 that much shorter, and thereby create a whole new, and even worse crisis the year after Rahm Emanuel’s presumed re-election? Well, says, Catalyst-Chicago’s Sarah Karp, we’ve sen big, fat crises many times before.

“Like when Rahm came into office before, it was the exact same thing,” she explains. “He said, oh, we have no money. We can’t pay your 4% raises, and it’s a choice between raising class sizes or we’ve got to give these greedy teachers a raise. And what’s interesting is if Rahm doesn’t become Mayor, and someone else becomes mayor, how that person will deal with it.

Of course, that person could, conceivably, be Karen Jennings Lewis. But more on that later.

“There is a genuine budget crisis,” says the Sun-Times Editorial Page’s Kate Grossman. “There’s no question. We on the editorial pages have supported reducing the pensions for CPS teachers as much as we hate to do it. It’s unsustainable. It’s not the teachers’ fault. CPS screwed them, and the State screwed them, but they don’t have enough money. And if you want to make sure the pension system remains solvent, you either flood it with new revenue, or you cut pensions. Or maybe some combination. But something has to give.”

The new 6.8 billion budget isn’t just about massive budget holes and tricky ways to fill them. It also lets us in on some significant changes within the system that will affect Chicago Public Schools for years to come. At the heart is “student-based budgeting”, something that was introduced last year and is now having profound effects at the school level.

For example, says Grossman, under the new plan, about $6,000 follows your kid to whatever school she attends.

“The problem,” Grossman explains, “is whatever the amount is, is not enough, and so when a student chooses school B over school A and her money leaves, it was never even enough at your original school, so the loss of those dollars is really devastating. And it’s this downward cycle. If a school starts losing enrollment, they were probably already struggling anyway because they were under-resourced. Then they lose money so they lose programming and teachers, and then they can’t recruit more kids, and it has a really devastating impact.”

“What Chicago’s been moving toward,” she continues, “is this choice system, away from the neighborhood-based schools. You can chose a charter, you can choose a magnet, selective enrollment, magnet fine arts, lots of  choices. And having this student-based budgeting is the linchpin of letting that system flourish. If you think about it, that allows for choice, right? You take your dollars and you can choose. In theory it’s a great idea,but in an under-resourced school system, it’s devastating for schools that lose enrollment, often through no fault of their own.”

Many consider charters the culprits, draining students away from traditional schools. In actuality, Karp says, they only account for about 20% of the student loss, but there are other factors that funnel money from neighborhood schools to the charters.

“CPS, on top of the student-based budget amount, gives charter schools a lump-sum extra,” Karp asserts. “Their argument is that there are a lot of in-kind services that traditional public schools get, and we need to make up for that. But it’s about $2000 more than the base budget that the charter schools are getting. And that money increased this year compared to last year. so there is a reason why charter schools, on top of their enrollment, which is increasing, are getting more money. So it’s about priorities, and ideology too.”

And it’s starting to get down and dirty. “It is a fight for students, says Karp. “We’re hearing from principals who have teachers going door-to-door. And the charters are going door-to-door. I’ve been offered seats for my children at schools that I didn’t even apply for. It’s basically like – please, is your child breathing? Bring him…”

Grossman tells us about a story she did last year on Lakeview High School. “It’s a neighborhood high school that’s really trying to break into that upper tier,” she explains. “They got an early-college STEM Program, so they got a big investment in new science labs and all that – but at the same time, because of student-based budgeting, and because of budget cuts, their budget got whacked…so that really undercut their effort to create a successful STEM program. It turned out that they had to cut teachers, and so you kind of layer these things on top, but what’s the foundation?”

As we’ve discussed previously, neighborhood high schools are really taking the brunt of the new budgeting. They’re shrinking dramatically. “There’s really not a stated plan for neighborhood high schools,” Karp tells us. “What is the plan for Bowen or Corliss, or Hope, or Robeson or Marshall? I suspect that there are some people who think that there should be selective enrollments, magnets, charters, and alternatives. And that neighborhood high schools are going to be akin to alternative schools, and maybe run by private operators eventually.”

There’s an effect that all of this competition from new schools is having academically, too. “Charter schools are really pulling – whereas there’s always been selective schools and magnet schools – they’re pulling that tier of middle, C-students out of neighborhood schools.” Karp says.

And Grossman worries that, as others leave, these old high schools are left with an increasingly difficult, challenged student body. “These are a very distinct student population that has very intense needs that you have to deal with, not punish them for it,” she says.

“What do you expect? You look at the kids who are coming into the building,” explains Grossman. “They’re coming in so far behind grade level, then you whack these schools because the kids are low-performing. It’s outrageous to me to blame these schools when you’ve drained away all of the higher-performing kids, and this is who they’re educating, and then you blame them for what we’ve handed them. I think that’s profoundly unfair.”

We talk briefly about Barbara Byrd-Bennett’s future with CPS. Both journalists believe that she’ll stick it out through the March 2015 municipal election, but may not last long after that. There’s some agreement that Mayor Emanuel needs her to be with him through the campaign, and that her departure would send a bad signal.

And Grossman offers a somewhat surprising assessment of  CEO Byrd-Bennett. “I think she’s certainly not a big fan of charter schools.  She’s  a big supporter of neighborhood schools. I don’t know how much she’s going to be able to do in that regard, but she’s a former principal. She knows the score about what happens when you drain all the top kids.”

Turning to politics, how will CPS be affected after the inauguration of Governor Rauner? Well, says Karp, “The State has this Charter School Commission, and I would be nervous that Chicago would suddenly get all of these charters that they didn’t want. It would be like the wild-wild west – schools opening without CPS knowing anything about it – it would be crazy.”

Unless, that is, our new Mayor, Karen Lewis, puts a stop to it. Is Mayor Lewis a far-fetched idea?  Karp says she’s starting to believe it’s possible. And what about the Sun-Times Editorial Page’s Grossman? “Yea, I think the people would vote for her,” she concludes.


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CN Aug 7, 2014


Who knew that in these austere times, our public housing authority was the most cash-flush agency around? No deficits here – they’e sitting on more than $350 million in reserves.  How’d they do it? By not issuing all the rental vouchers the feds were giving them money for.

The Tribune’s Lolly Bowean tells us about that audit the Center for Budget and Tax accountability released last week.

“The CHA had $432 million dollars kind of tucked away in a reserve fund. Liquid dollars in cash on hand that many in the public didn’t know about, didn’t understand how their budgets operate, or how an agency can be this cash rich,” she tells us.

“In their most recent figures CHA said they manage about 40,000 housing choice vouchers,” Bowean says. “These are federally funded certificates that subsidize rent in the private market for low income residents. So residents pay about thirty percent of their income, and the rest is covered voucher. The voucher does limit the amount of money that they can use in the private market to rent an apartment or house.”

But here’s the problem. The CHA had enough money to pay out at least 13,000 more vouchers than it did, despite the crushing need for housing financial assistance. The CHA simply elected not to do so. But nobody’s exactly sure why.

At the same time, Lathrop Homes on the northwest side sits almost empty, mot of its 900 units idle, as the CHA tries to decide what to do with the development. And, as Bowean explains, the CHA is tied to a federal process from a long time ago.

“There was a formula that was developed because the thinking at the time, fifteen years ago, was that concentrating poor people all in one housing development or in one community just didn’t work,” she explains. “Because not only did it limit the opportunities that they had access to, but some of those communities became centers of violence and crime. So the Plan for Transformation was san effort to break up those pockets of poverty and spread people out to “opportunity communities” where they could have access to better schools, that they could see people getting up and going to work every day and they could be integrated into a larger community.”

And that formula called for an equal division of public housing, subsidized housing and outright market-rate units. But, she says,  the Lathrop area is unique in that it already had that going for it.

“But unfortunately,” she says, “When it comes to government there’s a kind of standard formula. There’s not as much room for humanity and human decision as some of the residents and activists in the community would like.”

So the CHA has been in a kind of stasis. Not rehabbing Lathrop and other similar developments has held critically-needed units from the market and put more pressure on the voucher system. And meanwhile those who do get vouchers are often in a Catch-22. They don’t really get to enjoy those “Opportunity communities”. As Bowean puts it, “Eleven hundred dollars for a three-bedroom unit in Chicago – what neighborhoods will that take you to?”


So Chicago had a baby on Monday. A little corporate bundle of joy called CPUB, or Tribune Publishing. A baby born into corporate poverty, and a baby whose mommy corporation basically wrapped little TPUB up in old newspapers and left it on our doorstep.

Lynn Marek of Crain’s explains that CPUB came into the world owing $350 million.

“Coming out of bankruptcy, you had private equity firms and hedge funds owning the Tribune Company,” she explains. “And these are companies that typically have an exit plan where they make more than what they invested. So, coming out of bankruptcy, these folks immediately started asking – where is it that we’re gonna make the most money and the highest profits with this particular company?”

And guess what? The money folks figured out that newspapers weren’t the things the Tribune owned that were going to be money-makers in years to come. So they built a new corporation, Tribune Media, and that entity got to keep all the valuable stuff.

“So you had some of these more valuable assets stay with the broadcast operation,” Marek explains, “and the eight newspapers and a handful of local niche publications and some digital news services are off on their own at this point. So it’s kind of sink or swim time for the newspapers.”

So how does this happen? How can the 150-plus-year-old Chicago Tribune get treated like yesterday’s news? Well, says Marek, “Tribune Media, the former parent, gets to kind of set the rules as to what the spinoff looks like. And the parent company decided you are going to pay us a dividend of $275 million. So Tribune Publishing knew it was going to have to pay that as part of the spinoff.” (And they borrowed an extra $50 million just to have some cash on hand.)

So, as Marek tells us, the money folk want  their payback. “They’ve been sitting with it, some of them, for four years patiently awaiting the end of the bankruptcy. And now it’s time to cash out,” she says.

Jack Griffin, the new publishing CEO, has a plan.  “But it’s a vision that so many newspaper companies have had for about the past ten years – this whole, ‘we’re gonna shift to digital and we’re gonna find new ways to make money.’ But that’s a holy grail that so far has been a little out of reach for your average metropolitan newspaper,”says Marek.

And there’s one more thing to consider. Jack Griffin used to work at a magazine publishing company. And, says Marek, “He really found a way to delve into something called content marketing, where you take the newspaper’s storytelling expertise, and you don’t have the journalists get into writing it, but you do have another staff at the newspaper help advertisers create these campaigns.”

Could we see a lot more sponsored content at the new Tribune?


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CN July 31, 2014


Have you ever had an encounter with one of these?

Screenshot 2014-08-03 18.05.54

Well, perhaps you thought it was making sure you didn’t blow a red light. But depending on the date, it might also have been ratting you out for creeping through the intersection without stopping during a right-turn-on-red.

In fact, according to the Tribune’s David Kidwell and Alex Richards, there was this one little rogue camera at Lincoln and Kimball/McCormick. Here’s the way Kidwell describes its odyssey: “For months, if not years,” he explains, “It was only ticketing people going straight. People trying to beat a red, whatever. And it was issuing one, two tickets a day. For six months, only a hundred tickets. Then, for twelve days in the beginning of 2012, 563 tickets – 560 of them for right-turn-on-red.

Alex Richards, after the Trib’s arduous legal battle with the City, was presented with the prize: a database of every ticket issued from 2007 to March of this year. He and his team went about assembling an activity graph for every camera. They looked vaguely like EKGs.

“And that heartbeat, if it were yours or mine, we’d be in the intensive care unit,” Kidwell states. That’s because there’d be months of fairly routine activity punctuated with wild spikes at random times. Usually only for a few days, then the camera would return to normal. Self healing cameras, or some tampering by humans eager to get the ticket numbers up? Nobody knows for sure, because the company running the cameras never checked.

“Before you install a red-light camera you’re supposed to define a problem, Kidwell asserts. “You just don’t sprinkle cameras everywhere and wait for the money to roll in. And if they have a problem that people are having accidents because of right turn on red, then you put a camera there to address that problem.”

And presumably, you’d let the public know if the function of the camera had been changed.

So if the City of Chicago had defined a problem – namely people causing crashes by rolling through red lights, where would these cameras be, and how many?  Did the City need to install 350 such cameras to address this perceived problem?

“The City’s Inspector General, the City’s top watchdog, in 2013 at the insistence of several aldermen, asked the city exactly that question, and he could not come up with an answer,” Kidwell tells us. “And his audit was very critical of the city for a complete lack of records on how they choose where they put these cameras.”

But they did raise a lot of money. Almost a half-billion dollars in the seven or so years they’ve been in operation, Richards and Kidwell tell us.

“We found these spikes where cameras that normally issued 2, 3, sometimes one ticket a day for periods of years, suddenly were tagging drivers at rates of up to 56 a day. And then as suddenly as they went up, they’re right back down to normal again,” Kidwell explains. And, remarkably, after the graphs began taking shape in Kidwell’s software, he and his colleagues realized something. “I think we were the first to actually see this in action,” he says.

Kidwell relates the most incredible story of John Bills, who a almost set a a new standard for bribery, if the charges stand up at trial.

“John Bills was the person at the City, a mid-level bureaucrat who was assigned the task of taking over this thing, putting it together, and bringing a company to town,” explains Kidwell. “And we began investigating tips that he was involved in a very cozy relationship…as early as 2012. We started writing stories about that and now, as it appears, the company has acknowledged that they paid him up to two million dollars in bribes. Lavish vacation trips, condominiums, cars, cash payments through a consultant that he helped hire…what’s interesting about this case is that there has been no correlation drawn to the oversight of this company, yet, and these ticket spikes. But he was the person watching the store during a lot of these spikes…He was the City’s point-man on that contract, he was the one who had all the contact with this company at this time.

It’s important to point out that Bills didn’t overlap much with Rahm Emanuel. He worked almost exclusively for Rich Daley. But there’s an interesting second chapter.

Rahm Emanuel decided he wanted speed cameras. And the logical company to install them was Redflix, the company that already put up the red-light cams.

“When the speed camera contract was still being decided,” says Kidwell, “Redflix had quietly hired a former Rahm Emanuel campaign manager on one of his congressional campaigns, a guy named Greg Goldner, as a national consultant to help promote these cameras. And when John Bills retired from the city, he went to work, on Redflix’s payroll, for Greg Goldner, on that consulting deal.

As we know, after the revelations in the Tribune’s stories, Mayor Emanuel vowed to fire Redflix, but it wasn’t until this past March that the company actually turned over operations to their successor.

One of the ways in which the ticket numbers spiked so dramatically during those short bursts might have had something to do with the duration of yellow lights.

“According to the photographic evidence in the red-light camera photos, yes, in some instances they did appear to be shorter (or longer – there was a variance that shouldn’t have been there.) Every photo has the yellow-light time added there,” Richards tells us.

But in that infamous episode at Lincoln and Mccormick? Of the 560 questionable tickets, about half showed a four-second amber light, and about half had only three seconds.

And if you’re fascinated by Rahm Emanuel’s personal style, it’s worth the time it takes to read this transcript of Kidwell’s interview with the Mayor as he was trying to get documents that explained how decisions were made about the locations of the cameras. Especially the part where the Mayor reaches over and turns off Kidwell’s tape recorder.

Read Kidwell’s and Richards’ series here.

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CN July 24, 2014

On today’s show – a bit of a history lesson, largely from a few decades ago.
You’ve probably entertained this thought yourself – why is it, a hundred years after slavery, that black America still seems so far behind? In educational achievement, employment and just financial stability, African Americans consistently lag behind other ethnic and racial groups.

Well, let’s run a scenario. Let’s say your parents or grandparents were unhappy in Logan Square  in, oh, 1965, and they were able to scrape together a little down payment and buy one of those new ranch-houses in Niles for 39,000 dollars. When they passed away in the 90’s they were able to hand you and your sister that house, now worth about 270k, and a couple of IRA’s, enough to get you and your sister started on a fairly stable life, despite the economic downturns.

But now let’s adjust the scenario. You’re black and living in west Lawndale, and you, too have worked hard and saved a little bit of money. But there are no federal loan programs for you, because the banks and the government drew a red line around your neighborhood on a map. So the only way to buy that little house on 61st street was to buy it on contract from the seller. You make your payments for years, but you have no equity and the owner (who, by the way isn’t really the owner, but a predatory real estate dealer who got the house by scaring its former white owners out and picking the house up for a few thousand dollars) – that owner is free to ladle on all sorts of charges and fees, and makes no repairs on the house, so if you do make it through the contract sale, chances are you’re pretty much broke, and the neighborhood is filled with foreclosed or low-value houses, so you’ve spent your money and you have almost nothing to show for it.

That’s our question for today. What happens when generations of a family cannot accumulate wealth and pass it onto their kids? Is there anything that can be done to turn that situation around? What about a form of reparations? Not for slavery, as if that weren’t enough, but for the racist, predatory economic policies that were created, not in distant history, but in most of our lifetimes, and validated by our own local and federal governments? Can we do something about that?

Our conversation today is inspired by a striking piece in the Atlantic by Ta-Nehisi Coates, called the case for reparations.

Our panelists are Hal Baron – historian, activist and former Director of Policy for the Harold Washington administration, and Salim Muwakkil, WVON host and senior editor at In These Times.


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CN July 17, 2014


So why’d she do it? Why did Toni Preckwinkle, sitting atop stunning poll numbers and rising support all over the city, decide not to take on Mayor Emanuel?

“There’s this whole network of very powerful, very wealthy people who’ve made it clear they want Rahm Emanuel to remain as mayor,” explains the Reader’s Mick Dumke. “So you have to kinda step on all of their toes and say, to hell with all of you, I’m taking him on – and then potentially divide the Democratic party. From what I can tell that is the biggest reason why she said, no thanks.”

And WBEZ’s Natalie Moore says there’s some truth to Preckwnkle’s claim that she has much more to do as County Board President. “We can’t under-play how important the County Board position is,” she tells us. “Her work is very important at this time about incarceration and who’s being locked up.”

“She almost single-handedly has managed to make the release of defendants from Cook County Jail a popular issue,” Dumke adds. “That was a third-rail issue for a long time, so let’s give her credit for all that.”

But there’s simply no denying the role money will play in the Mayoral election. Toni Preckwinkle, Dumke says, would’t have needed as much money as Emanuel, but “you’d have to cross all these powerful business people, these very powerful interests.”

And many of these business leaders have been funneling money to Mayor Emanuel from the beginning, despite the Mayor’s supposedly strenuous contribution regulations.

“A lot of these people do have business ties to the city one way or another,” Dumke explains. “They may not be getting contracts per se, but they’re sitting on the boards of banks that get bond work worth millions of dollars. They do business with people who do business with the city. Maybe their lobbyist isn’t allowed to contribute, but they contribute instead of their lobbyist. And the bottom line is – the guy can raise a lot of money.”

Karen Lewis has emerged as the one visible local leader apparently willing to run against the Mayor. But will she?

“I wouldn’t be surprised if she sits down and weighs all the options and decides that this isn’t the best route for her,” says Moore. “But I think the attention she is basking in gives her some political capital she can use in ways that aren’t just running for mayor.”

“She’s in a pretty good spot,” Dumke adds, “because I think she could, even by making a modest showing, impress a lot of people. She’s always described as fiery and people say she’s angry all the time, and, you know, that’s actually not true. If you hear her speak…she’s really articulate. She’s really smart. I think she would actually impress a lot of people.”

But Lewis is often characterized as a polarizing figure.  And that, says Moore, could set off a media firestorm. “This could be a battle of personalities and not about the substance. And if that does happen, I think reporters will start foaming at the mouth. Karen Lewis is painted, even in the national media… if you see someone calling someone the murder mayor, that’s going to be a turn-off and seen as hyperbole. But that tends to be what’s recycled about her, and not how she stands on issues.”

But Dumke points out that in at least one logistical sense, Lewis is well positioned. “She’s already got a grass-roots game that the mayor needs money to buy. The mayor actually does not have a ground political game. He’s a new politician. It’s money.”

Violence – particularly gun violence – continues to dominate the headlines in Chcago, especially during the recent July 4 weekend.  We asked the panel whether additional police could have improved the situation.

“The mayor and the police chief get too much credit and take too much heat when there’s violence,” Moore asserts. “I don’t think that these are policing issues. This is an issue of economics, this is an issue of poverty, an issue of segregation.”

“The number one violence issue in this city isn’t even gun violence,” she continues. “It’s domestic violence, if you’re listening to a police scanner. So we make decisions about what kind of violence to cover. We don’t really have a conversation about that.”

Since our show tends to be about both the issues and the media that covers them, we talked about the interconnection between the street violence and the coverage it gets.

“I believe that the way the media covers violence in this city is completely wrong,” Moore declares. “I’m so sick of the Monday morning count. There’s no empathy. It turns into this – Chicago, what’s wrong with you? – and then it becomes a national story. Chicago is not the murder capitol of the world, of the country, of even the midwest. But how do you say that to someone who’s experienced gun violence? People don’t want to look at stats. It’s this emotion, and the media is feeding into it, and it’s sexier and easier to do these counts than it is to talk about the issues. The most violent areas have a lot in common. Foreclosures, vacant property, food deserts, high poverty – all the worst outcomes you can have.”

And Dumke sums it up: “The gun factor is the lit match you’re throwing onto dry kindling.”


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July 10, 2014


There was a big announcement this week. Mayor Emanuel’s Commission has come back with its recommendation. It has green-lighted a $13 per hour minimum wage in Chicago, and the Mayor apparently supports it. But there’s a catch.

“It’s clear that Mayor Rahm did not want to press this issue,  Reader columnist Ben Joravsky claims. “He did not want to raise the minimum wage in a significant way because he did not want to alienate his core supporters in the business world who are against it. So he created a Commission that enabled him to come up wit this diluted, watered-down stuff that postpones it for five years – the headline is $13 an hour.

“That would be great next month,” adds Randell Strickland, the Dean of Restorative Justice at the south side’s Little Black Pearl high school.

“Yea,” says Joravsky. “Except that the month will be in 2018. He postponed it. The deal he’s got on the table now is actually worse than the deal he originally proposed.”

And, Strickland concludes, “I can assure you that five years from now $13 an hour will be as laughable as $8.25 is now.”

Strickland deals every day with young people who are trying to negotiate their way through neighborhoods stressed by random, unpredictable spikes of extreme violence.  There’s no easy solution for any of this, he tells us, but there’s no doubt that the seeds of today’s mayhem were planted long ago.

“What we are looking at is the legacy of decades – generations – of neglect,” he says. “If you ride the Red Line you see it. If you take a tour of the parks from the far south side to the north side you see it. The number of vacant lots, the quality of buildings, you see the progression, or the regression, of disproportionate distribution of income and resources and intention. We well know that in Chicago certain neighborhoods suffered from benign or malign neglect as a matter of policy. And this kind of violence is the kind of thing that results.”

Mayor Emanuel, speaking after the especially violent July 4th weekend, invoked the “code of silence” as part of the problem. “I wouldn’t say it’s a code of silence as much as it’s a code of violence, Strickland explains. “It’s not just an African-American problem, it’s an American problem. It’s a male problem.”

And it’s also a family problem, according to Strickland. Disinvestment and economic policy have torn the fabric of the family unit.

“I was born in 1968,” he tells us. “Most of the people that I remember from Henry Horner Homes, most of the families that I interacted with, had two parents. And everybody worked. My grandfather was a construction contractor. But everybody, their plan was – I’m going to save, I’m going to work. We’re all going to pull together, and move to the south side or to a better neighborhood, or to the west side, and most people did that. And all the families that I knew in the 70’s and into the 80’s pretty much did that, and then the recession happened, and that access out – stopped.

It was more than a recession, Joravsky points out, because that was the beginning of the de-industrialization of Chicago, when hundreds of local factories and businesses closed, falling victim to increased globalization and an inability to compete. And the poorest people in the poorest neighborhoods were often the first victims.

But it’s not all about outside macro-economic forces. Sometimes it’s local economic, zoning and land-use policy.

“I remember interviewing people on the west side in the 1980s,” says Joravsky. “And they were telling me, you watch. They’re gonna move the people out, and white people are gonna move in. Now this was kind of far west side, and I just couldn’t believe it back then. But I’ve watched the patterns of 25 years of public policy where you starve certain neighborhoods, and you invest in certain neighborhoods. Mayor Daley – in the name of poor people, we’re gonna tear down the public high rises. So they tear them down, in the name of poor people. Like closing schools, in the name of poor people. It’s always in the name of poor people. Then, once they’ve moved them out – Cabrini Green? They’re selling off the land, there’s development, they’re seeding it with public dollars through the TIF program, so, it’s like this is what they wanted.”

We pause to salute, with awe, the ability of Mayor Emanuel to raise gigantic baskets of campaign money, including his just-opened Chicago Forward Super PAC. Joravsky has even named it.

“I call it the 6-8-1 plan. In six days they got eight guys to kick in a million dollars.”

No potential Emanuel challenger has anything like the millions at the Mayor’s disposal, of course, so will it deter serious opponents from even trying?

“It was an intimidating shot from Mayor Rahm’s political machine. No question about it,” Joravsky concedes. “Anybody who’s thinking of running…has to realize there’s no way he or she’s going to compete with the Rahm money machine. So this is gonna have to be the once-in-a-lifetime moment when the people of Chicago- God help ‘em – are actually gonna take control of their life and do something as opposed to following.”

And Strickland adapts a presidential slogan to the Chicago electorate. “We are the ones we’re still waiting for,” he says.


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CN July 3, 2014


The White Sox don’t fill The Cell all that often, so here’s what it looks like when it’s full.


But did you know that, if you could bus every adult currently in prison in Illinois to this park, there would still be enough people outside to fill the Chicago Theater twice?

“We have about 20 adult facilities which range from  maximum security to mental health specific facilities to minimum security that house approximately 49,000 adults in Illinois.” explains Jenny Vollen-Katz, Director of Juvenile Justice for the John Howard Association.

And to stick with the baseball park for one more moment, you could almost fill it with the number of people who are released from Illinois prisons every year. And yet again with the people who are incarcerated each year, many of whom are the same people just coming back to prison.

“We don’t just send people away, and they go and we’re done with them,” explains WBEZ’s criminal and legal affairs reporter Rob Wildeboer. “No, 33,00 are coming back into the neighborhoods this year, with 72,000 people coming in and out of the prison system each year according to the Department of Corrections.”

And let’s not forget Cook County Jail, which is supposed to be largely a detention facility to hold people who can’t make bail until their trial. The population hovers around 10,000 people, although the population moves in and out quickly.

So who are these people?  “The vast majority are non-violent offenders,” Vollen-Katz explains. “And a huge number of them are mentally ill. Tom Dart has been quoted saying 28% of his population at Cook County Jail are mentally ill. National studies indicate numbers far higher in most correctional institutions. 73% of all women, 55% of all men are mentally ill within the national corrections system.”

But how to define “non-violent offender”?

Toni Preckwinkle, appearing on My Chicago with Odette Yousef, said this about Cook County Jail: “Most of the people in jail are there because they can’t pay their bond. And of the 90% who are awaiting trial, 70% are awaiting trial for non-violent crimes.”

But States’ Attorney Anita Alvarez, meeting with the press after a recent City Club speech, seemed to contradict Preckwinkle when she said that most people at Cook County Jail are repeat offenders, and that 82% of the population has two or more violent offenses in their past. So while their current charge may be something like drug possession, judges do take into account the offender’s legal history.

“What follows you is a rap sheet,” Vollen-Katz explains. “Saying how many times you’ve been in court and what you’ve been charged with and what the end result was, legally, of those charges. What doesn’t seem to follow anybody is something like a social history – the reasons someone is there, or the reasons they failed to be successful on probation…we don’t have a very full picture on individuals there, about why they’re there… there’s a lot of system failures before our criminal justice system that lead them there.”

“We need to get to a point,” asserts Wildeboer, “Where society can say yes, that’s a bad crime, but we still don’t think prison is the appropriate punishment for that…will we get to a place where the public will accept – yes we need to let some people go even though there’s some risk inherent there…dealing with mass incarceration is gong to take more than, oh, let’s just let out the non-violent offenders.”

So much of this conversation results, however from garden-variety politics. It’s vastly easier to increase fines and punishments for various offenses in the name of protecting the public. Nothing frightens a politician more than a flyer at election time screaming about how the incumbent has been soft on crime.  So, among other effects, there’s a race to create more mandatory minimum sentences, because politicians claim that judges don’t hand out strict enough sentences.

“The result is that we’re filling up our prisons faster, keeping them fuller longer, and we aren’t creating any more public safety,” says Vollen-Katz.

Lawmakers have also created “registries” for sex offenders, but as Wildeboer reported recently, the Chicago Police are turning away people on the registries who’ve served their time and are trying to comply with the law by re-registering. But citing insufficient manpower, the CPD closes the line hours before the hours posted on the door.

But, in the big picture, what is the function of a prison? Is it to punish? To rehabilitate? To educate or train? Or just to segregate people from society?

“The Illinois Department of Corrections does not have as a mission to rehabilitate those offenders that come in to it,” Vollen-Kattz explains. And Wildeboer adds, “Right now I believe the Department of Corrections spends two percent of its budget on rehabilitation.”

However, “if punishment is an important role for prison,  I think we’re doing a fine job”, concludes Vollen-Katz.

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CN June 26, 2014

Kristen McQueary and Tom McNamee, Editorial Page Editor of the Chicago Sun-Times and Kristen McQueary of the Tribune Editorial Board are our guests this week.  We discuss the Supreme Court ruling prohibiting police from searching electronic devices without a search warrant, the appropriateness of naming a City facility for Mayor Byrne and the so-far underwhelming Bruce Rauner campaign.

We also talk about the ever-evolving role of the print editions of major newspapers, as they become places for analysis and opinion and less the resource for breaking news. That’s a big part of the reason the Trib will be adding another full page of opinion and op-eds to its daily output.

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CN June 19, 2014


It’s a discussion about housing policy this week with Angela Caputo of the Chicago Reporter and Ethan Michaeli of We the People Media.

How much does it cost the City of Chicago to rehab an abandoned house to get it into salable condition? Surprise: a lot. But as Angela points out, some buyers are snapping abandoned places up, doing almost no repairs and marketing them as “voucher” dwellings, then charging the CHA up to a grand a month for rat-infested slums.

And you might not be surprised to learn that the City paid $594k to rehab a house at Montrose and Kimball, then sold it or $187k. And that $594k was less than the city’s housing rehab program spent in all of Roseland.

Here’s Angela’s excellent report on how housing rehab money is being spent across Chicago.

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CN June 12, 2014

Author Kari Lydersen and founder of the Resource Center Ken Dunn join us  for this week’s discussion. We talk with Ken about the current  state of recycling and the industrial overlay that’s required to recycle raw materials. Ken opines that recycling, valuable as it is, simply can’t substitute for a wholesale rethinking about how we use materials in the first place, and the dire need to reduce the rate of extraction of minerals, metals and fluids from the earth.

Kari discusses her new e-book Closing the Cloud Factories, which tells the intricate, complex story of the significant role community organizing played in closing the century-old Fisk and Crawford Coal plants in Little Village and Pilsen.

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